Bob, welcome back. To you and Stephen and Maria, I appreciate the questions and the mental pause they gave me to consider beyond just my raw heartbreak, sadness and frustration.
Bob, you asked:
…at what point after the 9/11 attacks was a line crossed by Pres. Bush that constitutes the ‘moral failure’ of which you speak? Is it at the point of lifting the Geneva Convention rules, or is it at some other place?
I’m going to be blunt in saying that I don’t think Bush had the personal moral foundation to even take office, much less make decisions of this gravity. My read on him before the election (including his mocking of Karla Faye Tucker’s execution among other things) and one that’s been vindicated a thousand times over since, is that he is a deeply unintrospective, unwise and unserious man. His moral landscape is a childish cartoon of black and white villans and heroes, and his willful refusal to deepen his own capacity for healthy adult ambiguity and wisdom predetermined, I think, both his vastly (almost criminally) incompetent leadership as well as the stain he inflicted on America in a new embrace of torture as official policy. He was, sitting in the most powerful office in the world with all of its pitfalls and pressures, a guaranteed moral time bomb.
That said, you asked about “the line”. Defining the line that has traditionally constrained America in protecting our security has been the heart of the issue all along – determining the right place to be in the murky clouds of interrogation methods, international agreements, urgency, what is legal, and above all, what is morally right. I’ve blogged about this dilemma for myself before:
The movie [Clear And Present Danger] is just OK, but it made me wonder about something that’s popped up for me a few times about Christianity and people who deal with violence on a regular basis as part of their work — CIA interrogators, special ops military personnel, spies, prison guards, undercover cops, etc. etc. This society we enjoy is preserved in a number of ways by people willing to engage in violence for the sake of protecting us. They provide a certain kind of safeguard for normal and nice people to enjoy their neighborly lives. I wonder how people in those professions manage to retain their connection with their Christianity. Is it possible to follow closely in the footsteps of Christ, be told in church that “if you’ve done it to one of the least of these, you’ve done it to me†and still work over a suspect until they talk or assasinate a target?
I don’t know the answer to that question, and it’s a huge issue to wrestle with on the scale of deciding the fate and security of a whole nation, especially in great uncertainty when the nation was wounded so visibly and deeply, as we were on 9/11. I found some great reading on this while thinking about my response:
First, a good example of what Ta-Nehisi calls “weak-sauce” – a jot and tittle argument by the National Review that the torture, humiliation and deaths were “legal” outside the Geneva Convention, and therefore somehow less abhorrent or justified, because the combatants were not state-sponsored. They completely sidestep any real evaluation of the human/spiritual/moral dimension involved, even though their editor makes a lot of loud-n-proud noise about being a conservative Catholic. (Note: The Review has been stubbornly and steadfastly almost 100% wrong over the last eight years as Bush cheerleaders — still! — so I feel completely comfortable writing them off just on that basis, much less the merits.)
Second, a much more thoughtful and compelling series of posts from the Atlantic’s (what a great magazine!) Ross Douthat, a conservative, trying to grapple with Bush’s legacy on this. The posts in order are here, here, here and here. He basically comes down to admitting that while presidents have had to give the order approving horrific acts, such as Truman ordering the atomic strikes on Japan, the Bush administration lacked similar justification, especially for how broad and aggressive the orders were to implement torture.
So, what do I think the line was, and where it was crossed? From a moral perspective, I think there were a few lines, crossed in several ways.
First, our national trust was breached when Bush made the decision to use 9/11 as a “fear lever” for any and every politicized overreach his administration could dream up – cloaking the GOP in an untouchable cloak of patriotism that silenced/dismissed dissent around foreign invasion, energy policy, and a host of other issues. Our nation was wounded, badly, on 9/11. We were full of rage and near panic. The Bush administration was exactly like those charlatan preachers that prey on the fears of seniors to bilk them of their money. We were afraid, we trusted, we were taken for a ride. That’s immoral behavior.
Second, the official decision to pursue traditional torture techniques like waterboarding was beyond the pale, and speaks, in my mind, to morally diseased motivation. This is especially true, given what we now know: torture just doesn’t work. This has been extensively verified, most notably by real, effective interrogators dealing with actual al Qaeda members in actual, “ticking time bomb” combat conditions. A simple review and enhancing the existing methods and safeguards would have been more than sufficient, but instead Cheney went back to Vietnam-era black ops programs as a starting point for our official policy. Why would you do that unless you had a predisposition to, at some level, wanting to be agressive, punitive, retaliatory – beyond the point of civil, reasonable policy or morality? Bush’s immorality is his unquestioning embrace of this mindset.
Third, the attempts at legal cover, obfuscation and even hubris around this new dark legacy of torture reveals premeditation – a need to justify something morally incorrect by either hiding it or daring the public to enact a consequence. From day one of this new policy, the White House employed its lawyers to cover its tracks in case of possible future attempts of war crimes, and pursued an Orwellian policy of redefinition of torture as something else not so hard to stomach. Piled on that, it harshly punished soldiers like Lynndie England as being “bad apples” for simply carrying out its own policy and attempted to silence and ruin the reputations of honorable soldiers like Captain Ian Fishback for whistleblowing. And as a final insult, Bush refuses to own any of it at practically the same time Cheney clearly states that he advocated waterboarding.
Put all this in context of it happening in a direct relationship with another human being. Obviously, there’s not a direct equivalence for nation states with personal human relationships, but these are human beings leading us and their decisions/motivations mean something morally. When you lose, or don’t have, the capacity as leader to make these decisions with some fear and trembling and some sense of taking responsibility, when you go to more lengths to protect yourself from legal action than you did to prevent someone from dying while being tortured, when you use the power of your office to persecute whistleblowers and proclaim your hubris because the protections it gives you – it is immoral and you are responsible.
I include Rick Warren in this list of let-downs because as a Christian leader in a very influential public position, he had the same duty to speak out as Nathan did to David about his crime against Bathsheba’s husband. I’ve heard numerous times in church from preachers like him that you have more of a duty to do this to leaders that loudly proclaim your same Christian faith, as Bush has often done. That he did not, and equivocated about it by saying “it never came up”, is a moral and spiritual failure. Extraordinary times call for extraordinary stances by our public leaders in all areas, and he, among many others, failed that test of moral leadership.
Stephen, in one sense, I take your response as true for the nation as a whole (especially about the financial crisis). As Ross Douthat says in his thought-provoking post:
But here, too, I have uncertainty, mixed together with guilt, about how strongly to condemn those involved – because in a sense I know that what they were doing was what I wanted to them to do…
But anyone who felt the way I felt after 9/11 has to reckon with the fact that what was done in our name was, in some sense, done for us – not with our knowledge, exactly, but arguably with our blessing. I didn’t get what I wanted from this administration, but I think you could say with some justification that I got what I asked for. And that awareness undergirds – to return to where I began this rambling post – the mix of anger, uncertainty and guilt that I bring to the current debate over what the Bush Administration has done and failed to do, and how its members should be judged.
But, to be clear, I never felt this way. Even immediately after 9/11, I felt scared by the where the collective rage and need for a pound of flesh was going to take us as a nation, especially given our leadership at the time. We, as a nation, wrote Bush a blank check and he bankrupted us. But I, and many others, were outspoken about our concerns all through this even through a lot of push-back from our conservative friends and family, and I feel no need to step back from taking our leadership to task. In this one case, I was right, and those who felt the same were right and are justified in our outrage now.
I would counter that to force responsibility on these leaders when they will not accept it for themselves is engagement. We as a national community, need to find a way to complete the narrative of the last eight years in a way that establishes the rule of law and decency for the future – whether its Nuremburg-lite, a special prosecutor, a deep truth and reconciliation process that gives us all an honest look at ourselves, or even a refusal to let Bush’s version of his tenure become the official historical record. These men did not represent the best of who we are, and more than that, they dragged us lower. This shame is theirs to own, fully and, if possible, legally.